다른 관점에서 본 보스톤 영어의 [r] 첨가현상

초록

In this paper, we view the [r]-Intrusion phenomenon in Boston English as a prosodic juncture phenomenon, as in McCarthy 1993, and analyze it accordingly. We propose that an unmarked consonant is inserted at the prosodic word juncture and a preceding vowel constrains the characteristics of the inserted unmarked consonant by progressive assimilation. In other words, a preceding non-high back vowel (i.e., a, E, O) influences the inserted unmarked consonant to surface as [r]. In this analysis, we will crucially appeal to a variant of C⊃CV (Smolensky 1996), i.e., Cunmarked⊃VCunmarked)PrWd (where V and C share [-high]), to capture the phonological relationship between a preceding vowel and an inserted empty consonant.